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Regional Security
Perspective after NATO Enlargement
Ambassador Vladimir Drobnjak,
WT III Chairman Not so long ago, European security was metaphorically
defined by names such as Srebrenica and Vukovar. Today the names
that best express the security of Europe are Copenhagen and Prague.
Serious people when discussing South Eastern Europe no longer
use the term "balkanization". "Balkanization" has been replaced
by terms such as "Euro and Euro-Atlantic enlargement". Srebrenica and Vukovar, like many other symbols
of war, destruction and suffering, and of glorious human endurance,
shall not be forgotten. But these days the peoples of South Eastern
Europe are looking more towards the future than staring into the
dark mirror of a troubled past. The impact of EU and NATO enlargement will have
implications well beyond the institutional borders defined through
new membership. The open doors left to the countries remaining
outside these organizations serve as a pivotal incentive for the
reforms in the field of democracy, security and economic development.
Any assessment of the situation in South Eastern
Europe confirms that security in the region has significantly
improved. Democracy has been strengthened to a large extent, which
is demonstrated by the fact that all countries in the region -
apart from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia - are members of
the Council of Europe (and FRY is well on the road to membership). Democratically conducted elections and the results
achieved throughout the region this year are additional fuel for
the region's engines of democracy. Unfortunately, economic development
is still lagging behind but the favourable security environment
and further democratic development - including the strengthening
of the rule of law - should attract more of the foreign investment
necessary for sustained economic development. Strengthening the economy, raising employment
levels, and improving standards of living remain the primary goals
of governments in South Eastern Europe. The state of economy has
a direct impact on the stability of each and every country in
the region, of the region itself, and of Europe as a whole. Conflict prevention and peace building can be
successful only if they encompass three key sectors - democracy,
economy and security. In other words - the creation of a secure
environment, the promotion of sustainable democratic systems and
the building up of economic and social well being are indispensable
for overall prosperity of our region - and of any other region.
It is no coincidence that the Stability Pact's founding documents
reflect the wisdom of this framework. Unsatisfactory economic performance is not the
only problem that burdens many of the countries in our region.
It is the poverty of perspective that some of them feel so strongly.
And here I speak of the countries still not encompassed from double
enlargement of NATO and the EU. I think it is necessary to address
this problem and to find ways to suppress the feeling of exclusion
by helping those countries in our region to accomplish their stated
goals. The NATO and EU membership projects were the
wind in the sails of the reforms in the countries of Central and
Eastern Europe and for the Baltic nations. The same prospect is
needed for all countries in South Eastern Europe. Regardless of
the length of the race, the finish line at its end must be clear
and visible. I would say that NATO enlargement currently goes
on two tracks - on one track countries of South Eastern Europe
are trying to get closer to NATO, but on the other - by pure logic
of geography - NATO is coming closer to them. The same goes for
EU enlargement. Once the new wave of enlargement is completed,
the region of South Eastern Europe - labeled by the EU as "the
Western Balkans" or the "Countries of Stabilization and Association
Process" - shall be entirely encircled by the NATO security ring.
And it will remain "the white enclave" on the map of the enlarged
Union. Direct borders with NATO countries shall provide
new venues for cooperation in the field of security and will serve
as additional incentive for the reform process. Incoming enlargement
of the EU hopefully will have the same impact. The higher level
of integration of the South Eastern European countries into the
EU and NATO, the more stable this part of Europe is going to be.
Integration based on the sovereign willingness of the countries
- whether for the Alliance or the Union, has proved already to
be a good guarantor of stability. At the same time, the footprint of the areas
of present or potential instability in South Eastern Europe is
gradually shrinking. There are no more armed conflicts in the
region. Despite that, a strong international military or police
presence is still required to keep what some have called a fragile
peace. Such an international presence shall continue to serve
as a security guarantor and will be of valuable assistance for
post-conflict confidence building. Respective countries in our
region have recognized this. Things are changing indeed: some countries of
the region that were the theatre of large UN operations in the
past, are now actively participating in UN peacekeeping missions
in other parts of the world. They have become "exporters" of security
themselves, which is a tribute not only to them, but also to all
international efforts invested in South Eastern Europe in the
past decade. Such a trend is a positive sign that the region is
ready to take responsibility for the regional security and to
contribute actively to efforts directed at finding solutions for
major conflicts outside the region. Conventional security threats in South Eastern
Europe have been successfully overcome or contained, although
we still have to deal with their by-products in the fields of
de-mining and small arms and light weapons, and some residual
mistrust. In parallel, new security threats have emerged in form
of global terrorism and trans-border organized crime in all its
aspects. The fight against those new threats shall remain the
biggest security challenge in the future. Our region of South Eastern Europe is very heterogeneous,
which represents its important added value but has also a potential
source of turbulence. A number of challenges still lay ahead -
establishment of an entirely self-sustainable Bosnia and Herzegovina
and resolving the status of Kosovo are some of them. One cannot
overlook these two questions when asked to speak about regional
security perspective. However, they have to be dealt in conjunction
with European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, enhanced
regional cooperation and continuous international commitments.
Obviously, one part of South Eastern Europe's
present security problems lies in the region's past, but to a
certain extent they have been generated elsewhere. South Eastern
Europe is only partly a generator of European security threats
- the region serves as the main transiting route for many illegal
activities seeking their final market in the countries of the
European Union. Drug trafficking, trafficking in human beings,
and excessive illegal migration are telling examples in this regard.
But as much as the region has to take its own responsibility in
combating these threats, this is "a two way street". The continued
help for the countries of South Eastern Europe is needed, but
at the same time countries of the region can significantly help
in combating the sources of crime that manifests itself on the
streets of Western Europe. Border management is becoming a more important
part of the long-term security architecture of South Eastern Europe.
This importance is also reflected in the high amount of attention
paid by international organizations to border issues. Stability Pact aims to support the efforts of
Stabilization and Association countries in the field of border
management. Regional perspective and transparency that the Stability
Pact can ensure will help to facilitate cross-border dialogue
and cooperation between governments. But this is a crowded field,
and synchronized efforts by all international actors are required
in order to achieve maximum effect and avoid duplication of activities. In order to ensure the necessary coordination,
we have established two working groups on border management issues
- and let me explain before you ask why two groups for one issue. Our efforts are directed not to erect barriers,
but to assist in the development of more effect border management
system which meets the high standards of the EU, to facilitate
the establishment of open and secure borders that would allow
the free movement of peoples and goods and services - a hallmark
of democratic systems. Universal democratic values and the principles
of the market economy remain the starting points for reforms in
the countries of South Eastern Europe. Regional cooperation continues to be important
not only as a vehicle on the road towards European integration
but also as a valuable means for interaction - in a variety of
fields - between the states of the region. I share the view that a stable neighbourhood
is essential for every country in the region. However, one should
not overlook the importance of individual approaches that take
into account the specific characteristics of each and every country.
Only regional cooperation in synergy with bilateral
cooperation can create the fabric of the stability that transcend
the borders of our region and generate stability for the whole
European continent. The threat of a major military conflict in the
region has significantly decreased. The presence of international
community as well as the massive assistance granted so far has
paid off. The remaining challenges have changed in their nature
and require a new approach - a partnership approach. Regional ownership must increase and dependency
on international supervision gradually decrease. The help must
continue, but this time of a different nature. The region needs
to have a strong and unambiguous perspective. The region needs
to attract investments. The region needs to form partnerships.
It needs to know that it has not been forgotten and left out the
historical "double enlargement" in Europe. The invitation to Bulgaria and Romania to join
NATO is a strong incentive for the rest of the region, and I hope
the other countries of South Eastern Europe will benefit from
their experience. I congratulate Bulgaria and Romania as well
as others invited in Prague, and I am looking forward to their
further involvement in the activities of Working Table III. The Stability Pact with its Third Working Table
III has proved itself to be a very important tool for the countries
in our region in addressing security issues. The Third Working Table has recognized two aspects
of security: the so-called hard security related to the military,
and soft security connected to the civilian aspects of security,
more precisely to the issues pertaining to justice and home affairs.
It is only through addressing both aspects of the security paradigm
that our region will be able to successfully tackle all the existing
security challenges. The initiatives of Working Table III have produced
significant results in both fields. Cooperation with NATO has
proven successful under the auspices of the SEEGROUP, and in the
field of Defense Economics, and most recently in border management
issues. The successful completion of the joint NATO - Croatia
exercise organized in cooperation with Stability Pact in the field
of combating forest fires entitled "Taming the Dragon" has served
as a model for regional cooperation in the field of Disaster Preparedness
and Prevention. A generous donor's support enabled DPPI to continue
its role, that sometimes remains in the shadow due to its low
profile. I should also mention the Security Sector Reform
gaps and needs analysis that so many of our countries - donors
and beneficiaries, have found so useful, and also mention the
regional clearinghouse for small arms and light weapons, which
we established in Belgrade with the role to provide different
regional actors with advice on formulating and implementing SALW
projects while at the same time serving as a forum for information
sharing and policy development. Croatia, Romania, Slovenia and
Macedonia have all benefited from the stockpile destruction program
of the Reay Group on Mine Action. The establishment of RACVIAC (Regional Arms Control
Verification and Implementation Assistance Center) is another
important achievement of the Stability Pact. With the aim to strengthen
coordination of activities and avoid duplication the meeting on
security issues of common interest in SEE was organized jointly
by RACVIAC and the OSCE Conflict Prevention Center recently. While it was recognized that numerous activities
in these fields have been instrumental and useful in enhancing
stability and security in the region, it was also observed that
more synergy, coordination and streamlining would help to avoid
duplication and sharpen the focus in future action and projects. We have made significant progress in the field
of justice and home affairs. I would like in particular to emphasize
the Migration and Asylum Initiative with its established country
teams that will now operate within new organizational model, namely
the Migration Asylum and Refugee Regional Initiative. Fighting organized crime and corruption remain
among the top priorities of Working Table III, with the respective
Executive Secretariats moving to the region. Regional ownership is a goal that has been supported
widely throughout the region, and it is the core principle that
has to be strengthened in the future work of the Stability Pact.
I also think that this principle has to be the point of departure
for the ongoing reform process of the Stability Pact. I agree that the Stability Pact has to adapt
to the changed political environment in South Eastern Europe situation
and to define new priorities to address new needs, but at the
same time its basic principles should be preserved - regional
ownership, transparency and efficiency. Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, and
each of the countries of South Eastern Europe must have the possibility
to raise its voice and to influence the direction of the Stability
Pact where this is of direct concern. In exchange, each country
has to share the responsibilities of these processes, to contribute
to the efforts of the Stability Pact through political support,
secondments and assignments of professional staff where possible,
and through a constant and continuing supply of ideas, proposals,
suggestions and questions. The role of the regional co-chairs in the Working
Table structure of the Stability Pact will remain indispensable
in this connection. The current regional co-chair of Working Table
III - Moldova as the most recent Stability Pact participant, has
been very cooperative and energetic partner this year, and I use
the opportunity to commend their enthusiasm and to wish them success
in the upcoming conference on stolen vehicles in February ñ rather
unique international event with a strong potential for action
- and the workshop of DPPI in March, both of which are being arranged
in cooperation with my colleagues in Working Table III. It has been said many times "the Balkans is cursed
with a burden of history that no one can consume". But, today
it looks as if this part of Europe is finally producing just the
right amount of history. For the first time, all the countries
of South Eastern Europe share the same strategic goal embodied
in European and Euro-Atlantic integration. And they are willing
to work together on the path towards that goal. The continued substantive assistance of the international
community will be of decisive importance for the speed and quality
of this task. NATO Allies and EU member states are at the forefront
of this effort, serving as senior partners to the countries of
the region. The Stability Pact remains a unique process of
cooperation and assistance; it brings to the same table donors
and beneficiaries, countries of the region, EU Member States,
NATO Allies, G-8 members, as well as other important countries
outside this circle (Switzerland, a key partner for Working Table
III), and pivotal international organizations such as the United
Nations, the OSCE and the Council of Europe. It is useful to remind ourselves from time to
time of the composition of the Stability Pact, because sometimes
we fail to grasp both its meaning and its importance. The variety
of the Pact's participation and the equality of membership - reflected
in the professional staff - is its biggest value. Let us seek
greater efficiencies - the Stability Pact is designed to be efficient.
Let us seek greater transparency - the Stability Pact is designed
to be transparent. Let us be hostage to no faction, accountable
to all but beholden to none, and let us do nothing that will adversely
affect the very successful experiment that many of us here helped
to launch in 1999, and still strongly believe in, and which has
many tasks left to do. Thank you for your attention.
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