Regional Security Perspective After NATO Enlargement
Ambassador Vladimir Drobnjak,
WT III Chairman
Not so long ago, European security was metaphorically defined by names such as Srebrenica and Vukovar. Today the names that best express the security of Europe are Copenhagen and Prague. Serious people when discussing South Eastern Europe no longer use the term "balkanization". "Balkanization" has been replaced by terms such as "Euro and Euro-Atlantic enlargement".
Srebrenica and Vukovar, like many other symbols of war, destruction and suffering, and of glorious human endurance, shall not be forgotten. But these days the peoples of South Eastern Europe are looking more towards the future than staring into the dark mirror of a troubled past.
The impact of EU and NATO enlargement will have implications well beyond the institutional borders defined through new membership. The open doors left to the countries remaining outside these organizations serve as a pivotal incentive for the reforms in the field of democracy, security and economic development.
Any assessment of the situation in South Eastern Europe confirms that security in the region has significantly improved. Democracy has been strengthened to a large extent, which is demonstrated by the fact that all countries in the region - apart from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia - are members of the Council of Europe (and FRY is well on the road to membership).
Democratically conducted elections and the results achieved throughout the region this year are additional fuel for the region's engines of democracy. Unfortunately, economic development is still lagging behind but the favourable security environment and further democratic development - including the strengthening of the rule of law - should attract more of the foreign investment necessary for sustained economic development.
Strengthening the economy, raising employment levels, and improving standards of living remain the primary goals of governments in South Eastern Europe. The state of economy has a direct impact on the stability of each and every country in the region, of the region itself, and of Europe as a whole.
Conflict prevention and peace building can be successful only if they encompass three key sectors - democracy, economy and security. In other words - the creation of a secure environment, the promotion of sustainable democratic systems and the building up of economic and social well being are indispensable for overall prosperity of our region - and of any other region. It is no coincidence that the Stability Pact's founding documents reflect the wisdom of this framework.
Unsatisfactory economic performance is not the only problem that burdens many of the countries in our region. It is the poverty of perspective that some of them feel so strongly. And here I speak of the countries still not encompassed from double enlargement of NATO and the EU. I think it is necessary to address this problem and to find ways to suppress the feeling of exclusion by helping those countries in our region to accomplish their stated goals.
The NATO and EU membership projects were the wind in the sails of the reforms in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and for the Baltic nations. The same prospect is needed for all countries in South Eastern Europe. Regardless of the length of the race, the finish line at its end must be clear and visible.
I would say that NATO enlargement currently goes on two tracks - on one track countries of South Eastern Europe are trying to get closer to NATO, but on the other - by pure logic of geography - NATO is coming closer to them. The same goes for EU enlargement. Once the new wave of enlargement is completed, the region of South Eastern Europe - labeled by the EU as "the Western Balkans" or the "Countries of Stabilization and Association Process" - shall be entirely encircled by the NATO security ring. And it will remain "the white enclave" on the map of the enlarged Union.
Direct borders with NATO countries shall provide new venues for cooperation in the field of security and will serve as additional incentive for the reform process. Incoming enlargement of the EU hopefully will have the same impact. The higher level of integration of the South Eastern European countries into the EU and NATO, the more stable this part of Europe is going to be. Integration based on the sovereign willingness of the countries - whether for the Alliance or the Union, has proved already to be a good guarantor of stability.
At the same time, the footprint of the areas of present or potential instability in South Eastern Europe is gradually shrinking. There are no more armed conflicts in the region. Despite that, a strong international military or police presence is still required to keep what some have called a fragile peace. Such an international presence shall continue to serve as a security guarantor and will be of valuable assistance for post-conflict confidence building. Respective countries in our region have recognized this.
Things are changing indeed: some countries of the region that were the theatre of large UN operations in the past, are now actively participating in UN peacekeeping missions in other parts of the world. They have become "exporters" of security themselves, which is a tribute not only to them, but also to all international efforts invested in South Eastern Europe in the past decade. Such a trend is a positive sign that the region is ready to take responsibility for the regional security and to contribute actively to efforts directed at finding solutions for major conflicts outside the region.
Conventional security threats in South Eastern Europe have been successfully overcome or contained, although we still have to deal with their by-products in the fields of de-mining and small arms and light weapons, and some residual mistrust. In parallel, new security threats have emerged in form of global terrorism and trans-border organized crime in all its aspects. The fight against those new threats shall remain the biggest security challenge in the future.
Our region of South Eastern Europe is very heterogeneous, which represents its important added value but has also a potential source of turbulence. A number of challenges still lay ahead - establishment of an entirely self-sustainable Bosnia and Herzegovina and resolving the status of Kosovo are some of them. One cannot overlook these two questions when asked to speak about regional security perspective. However, they have to be dealt in conjunction with European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, enhanced regional cooperation and continuous international commitments.
Obviously, one part of South Eastern Europe's present security problems lies in the region's past, but to a certain extent they have been generated elsewhere. South Eastern Europe is only partly a generator of European security threats - the region serves as the main transiting route for many illegal activities seeking their final market in the countries of the European Union.
Drug trafficking, trafficking in human beings, and excessive illegal migration are telling examples in this regard. But as much as the region has to take its own responsibility in combating these threats, this is "a two way street". The continued help for the countries of South Eastern Europe is needed, but at the same time countries of the region can significantly help in combating the sources of crime that manifests itself on the streets of Western Europe.
Border management is becoming a more important part of the long-term security architecture of South Eastern Europe. This importance is also reflected in the high amount of attention paid by international organizations to border issues.
Stability Pact aims to support the efforts of Stabilization and Association countries in the field of border management. Regional perspective and transparency that the Stability Pact can ensure will help to facilitate cross-border dialogue and cooperation between governments. But this is a crowded field, and synchronized efforts by all international actors are required in order to achieve maximum effect and avoid duplication of activities.
In order to ensure the necessary coordination, we have established two working groups on border management issues - and let me explain before you ask why two groups for one issue.
Our efforts are directed not to erect barriers, but to assist in the development of more effect border management system which meets the high standards of the EU, to facilitate the establishment of open and secure borders that would allow the free movement of peoples and goods and services - a hallmark of democratic systems.
Universal democratic values and the principles of the market economy remain the starting points for reforms in the countries of South Eastern Europe.
Regional cooperation continues to be important not only as a vehicle on the road towards European integration but also as a valuable means for interaction - in a variety of fields - between the states of the region.
I share the view that a stable neighbourhood is essential for every country in the region. However, one should not overlook the importance of individual approaches that take into account the specific characteristics of each and every country.
Only regional cooperation in synergy with bilateral cooperation can create the fabric of the stability that transcend the borders of our region and generate stability for the whole European continent.
The threat of a major military conflict in the region has significantly decreased. The presence of international community as well as the massive assistance granted so far has paid off. The remaining challenges have changed in their nature and require a new approach - a partnership approach.
Regional ownership must increase and dependency on international supervision gradually decrease. The help must continue, but this time of a different nature. The region needs to have a strong and unambiguous perspective. The region needs to attract investments. The region needs to form partnerships. It needs to know that it has not been forgotten and left out the historical "double enlargement" in Europe.
The invitation to Bulgaria and Romania to join NATO is a strong incentive for the rest of the region, and I hope the other countries of South Eastern Europe will benefit from their experience. I congratulate Bulgaria and Romania as well as others invited in Prague, and I am looking forward to their further involvement in the activities of Working Table III.
The Stability Pact with its Third Working Table III has proved itself to be a very important tool for the countries in our region in addressing security issues.
The Third Working Table has recognized two aspects of security: the so-called hard security related to the military, and soft security connected to the civilian aspects of security, more precisely to the issues pertaining to justice and home affairs. It is only through addressing both aspects of the security paradigm that our region will be able to successfully tackle all the existing security challenges.
The initiatives of Working Table III have produced significant results in both fields. Cooperation with NATO has proven successful under the auspices of the SEEGROUP, and in the field of Defense Economics, and most recently in border management issues. The successful completion of the joint NATO - Croatia exercise organized in cooperation with Stability Pact in the field of combating forest fires entitled "Taming the Dragon" has served as a model for regional cooperation in the field of Disaster Preparedness and Prevention. A generous donor's support enabled DPPI to continue its role, that sometimes remains in the shadow due to its low profile.
I should also mention the Security Sector Reform gaps and needs analysis that so many of our countries - donors and beneficiaries, have found so useful, and also mention the regional clearinghouse for small arms and light weapons, which we established in Belgrade with the role to provide different regional actors with advice on formulating and implementing SALW projects while at the same time serving as a forum for information sharing and policy development. Croatia, Romania, Slovenia and Macedonia have all benefited from the stockpile destruction program of the Reay Group on Mine Action.
The establishment of RACVIAC (Regional Arms Control Verification and Implementation Assistance Center) is another important achievement of the Stability Pact. With the aim to strengthen coordination of activities and avoid duplication the meeting on security issues of common interest in SEE was organized jointly by RACVIAC and the OSCE Conflict Prevention Center recently.
While it was recognized that numerous activities in these fields have been instrumental and useful in enhancing stability and security in the region, it was also observed that more synergy, coordination and streamlining would help to avoid duplication and sharpen the focus in future action and projects.
We have made significant progress in the field of justice and home affairs. I would like in particular to emphasize the Migration and Asylum Initiative with its established country teams that will now operate within new organizational model, namely the Migration Asylum and Refugee Regional Initiative.
Fighting organized crime and corruption remain among the top priorities of Working Table III, with the respective Executive Secretariats moving to the region.
Regional ownership is a goal that has been supported widely throughout the region, and it is the core principle that has to be strengthened in the future work of the Stability Pact. I also think that this principle has to be the point of departure for the ongoing reform process of the Stability Pact.
I agree that the Stability Pact has to adapt to the changed political environment in South Eastern Europe situation and to define new priorities to address new needs, but at the same time its basic principles should be preserved - regional ownership, transparency and efficiency.
Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, and each of the countries of South Eastern Europe must have the possibility to raise its voice and to influence the direction of the Stability Pact where this is of direct concern. In exchange, each country has to share the responsibilities of these processes, to contribute to the efforts of the Stability Pact through political support, secondments and assignments of professional staff where possible, and through a constant and continuing supply of ideas, proposals, suggestions and questions.
The role of the regional co-chairs in the Working Table structure of the Stability Pact will remain indispensable in this connection. The current regional co-chair of Working Table III - Moldova as the most recent Stability Pact participant, has been very cooperative and energetic partner this year, and I use the opportunity to commend their enthusiasm and to wish them success in the upcoming conference on stolen vehicles in February – rather unique international event with a strong potential for action - and the workshop of DPPI in March, both of which are being arranged in cooperation with my colleagues in Working Table III.
It has been said many times "the Balkans is cursed with a burden of history that no one can consume". But, today it looks as if this part of Europe is finally producing just the right amount of history. For the first time, all the countries of South Eastern Europe share the same strategic goal embodied in European and Euro-Atlantic integration. And they are willing to work together on the path towards that goal.
The continued substantive assistance of the international community will be of decisive importance for the speed and quality of this task. NATO Allies and EU member states are at the forefront of this effort, serving as senior partners to the countries of the region.
The Stability Pact remains a unique process of cooperation and assistance; it brings to the same table donors and beneficiaries, countries of the region, EU Member States, NATO Allies, G-8 members, as well as other important countries outside this circle (Switzerland, a key partner for Working Table III), and pivotal international organizations such as the United Nations, the OSCE and the Council of Europe.
It is useful to remind ourselves from time to time of the composition of the Stability Pact, because sometimes we fail to grasp both its meaning and its importance. The variety of the Pact's participation and the equality of membership - reflected in the professional staff - is its biggest value. Let us seek greater efficiencies - the Stability Pact is designed to be efficient. Let us seek greater transparency - the Stability Pact is designed to be transparent. Let us be hostage to no faction, accountable to all but beholden to none, and let us do nothing that will adversely affect the very successful experiment that many of us here helped to launch in 1999, and still strongly believe in, and which has many tasks left to do.
Thank you for your attention.
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